A simple, better alternative to reserves, whether when it
comes to surge-ability or otherwise, is battlefield contractors. Though no
democratic state has yet allowed defense contractors to take on all functions
of reserves, the potential is clearly there. Contractors for the US military,
for example, are already active on the battlefields in Afghanistan and Iraq,
where they perform a number of essential military functions. The services they
provide include reconstruction, logistics and base support, interpreting,
advising, and facilities and personal security (Cancian, 2008).
“Contractors provide a number of advantages over military
personnel or civil servants—speed of deployment, continuity, reduction of troop
requirements, reduction of military casualties, economic inputs to local
economies, and, in some cases, executing tasks the military and civilian
workforce simply cannot” (Hammes, 2011).
When it comes to achieving cost-effectiveness and
surge-ability with battlefield contractors, the way the US government employs
them, proves to be highly instructive. The defense contractor, who has been
hired for a certain number of years, keeps a list of qualified personnel,
willing to be deployed on short notice (Cancian, 2008). Unlike the training and
personnel costs associated with reserve units, the services of the contractor,
during peacetime, effectively cost nothing to the government. But when the
conflict occurs and the military needs quick support, the contractor delivers
the required personnel to the required location (Cancian, 2008).
Unlike the military, which often has the policy of rotating
its personnel every 6 to 12 months, contractors are often willing to stay in
the same battlefield for much longer periods (Hammes, 2011). Defence
contracting companies are willing to offer increased pay to those who will stay
longer, and many contractors are willing to take that opportunity. Prolonged
stay often leads to a better understanding of the situation and better decision
making capability (Hammes, 2011).
Defense contractors are also more efficient than the military,
since they maintain a much lower support-to-operator ratio; in effect,
replacing a certain number of troops with a smaller number of employees
(Hammes, 2011). Also, when it comes to battlefield contractor deployment and
casualties, there is no real impact on the political aspects of the war. While
the reported death toll of the military personnel frequently reduces public
support for the war, contractor casualties are not counted in the official
death tolls. In present-day democracies “the decision to hire contractors can
be taken out of view of the public while decisions to increase troop strength
are usually subject to intense debate” (Hammes, 2011).
Defense contracting provides economic inputs into local
economies by creating jobs and hiring locals to fill them. And this happens to
be an effective method for population-centric counter-insurgency. Moreover,
local power structures can be co-opted into supporting the new government
through carefully targeted contracts (Hammes, 2011). And finally, locally hired
contractors can execute tasks that neither the military nor the civilian
workforce can. For example, supply lines to the occupying forces frequently run
through highly volatile, highly contested, uncontrolled areas. Consequently,
even stationing one’s military to protect them would not be very effective as
they would be subjected to constant assaults from all sides. On the other hand,
locally hired contractors have shown their ability to maintain such supply
lines without any problems, through their combination of force, personal
connections, and negotiation skills (Hammes, 2011).
Battlefield contractors, however, do pose some problems which
the regular military does not. Quality control is a major issue. While unarmed
contractors, employed by the US government to help with the rebuilding of Iraq
and Afghanistan, have often been found guilty of substandard construction,
fraud, and theft; armed contractors have been known to be under-equipped and
untrained (Hammes, 2011). However, it seems that these problems are temporary.
Defence contracting companies that don’t deliver the products and services of
the desired quality, will not see their contracts renewed and will soon be out
of business; while the government will start hiring only those contractors with
a proven record of high quality performance. Moreover, such problems may also
be solved, in the short-term, through the drafting of more stringent contracts
and/or an enactment of more stringent procurement laws, such that the profits
of contracting companies will take a strong hit should they fail to deliver the
goods and services at the expected level of quality.
Also there is some risk that armed defense contractors will
terrorize and kill civilians of the occupied country, especially if that makes
accomplishing their missions easier, and thus cause many political problems to
the country that employs them. A few such isolated cases, involving personal
security contractors for the US State Department, have occurred (Cancian, 2008).
This was however largely due to the fact that they were allowed to operate
independently, instead of being under the control of the local US military; as
well as because they were neither monitored nor given instructions of what they
can and cannot do during their missions, regardless of their objectives or
problems they may encounter (Cancian, 2008). Consequently, US government has
demonstrated that it is possible to avoid these problems by putting battlefield
contractors under the control of the military, having government security
officials accompany every convoy, installing video cameras in the vehicles of battlefield
contractors, and issuing strict guidelines to contractors regarding what, for
the purposes of their job, will constitute allowable and unallowable use of force
(Cancian, 2008).
References
Cancian, M. (2008). Contractors: The new element of military force structure. Parameters 38, 61-77. Retrieved from http://www.carlisle.army.mil/uSaWc/Parameters/Articles/08autumn/cancian.pdf.
Hammes, T. X. (2011). Private
Contractors in Conflict Zones: The Good, the Bad, and the Strategic Impact. Joint Force Quarterly, 60(1), 26-37.
Retrieved from http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA536906.
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